New trailers: Black Panther, The Chi, Godless, and more Jacob Kastrenakes Oct 21, 2017, 12:00pm EDT

Photo: Marvel

I’ve really been enjoying the selection of offbeat, smaller films that Amazon picks up for Prime. One of those is Paterson, the Jim Jarmusch movie that has Adam Driver playing a bus driver named Paterson in the city of Paterson. It’s slow and odd, and it’s hard to imagine a movie like that finding a space where it can really be given its due.

There’s a lot of stress and strangeness and pleasant day-to-day oddities to enjoy in Paterson, but one thing that really stands out is how well it manages to create tension at pretty much a moment’s notice. Paterson (the character) regularly ties up his girlfriend’s dog outside a bar while he goes to drink, and the movie leads us to believe that at any second, the dog could break free or be snatched away.

It’s not a huge, Earth-shattering thing that’s at risk, but because the movie makes us care about whether or not he loses the dog, it feels even more painful every time we see it get tied up — as though each time feels like this must be the one where he gets taken. It’s one of those things it feels like bigger movies could learn from: there doesn’t have to be a lot at stake; we just need to be invested in whatever’s there.

Check out seven trailers from this week below.

Black Panther

It can be hard for a superhero movie to feel original these days, but I don’t think anyone will be worried about Black Panther after this first trailer. It dives straight into the futuristic nation of Wakanda to show us a world unlike anything Marvel has brought us so far. The film comes out February 16th.

I, Tonya

Here’s a quick first look at Margot Robbie in I, Tonya, a film that has her playing Olympic figure skater Tonya Harding. The movie looks like it takes on the scandal that ended Harding’s career — her involvement in an assault on another skater — with a surprising amount of style and attitude. There isn’t much to watch here, but it definitely leaves me interested in seeing more. The film comes out sometime this winter.

The Chi

This trailer is mostly about setting mood, but it also shows what a big, sprawling world Showtime is trying to present with The Chi, an upcoming series about an interconnected group of black residents in Chicago’s South Side. The series is being created by Lena Waithe (who you might know from playing Denise on Master of None) and is being executive produced by Common. The show starts January 7th.

Oct 21, 2017, 12:00pm EDT

Fear of Violent Protests Raises Cost of Free Speech on Campus – Douglas Belkin Oct. 22, 2017

White nationalist’s speech at University of Florida was peaceful but the school spent $500,000 on security

Police outside the University of Florida’s Phillips Center after white nationalist Richard Spencer’s appearance on Thursday.

Police outside the University of Florida’s Phillips Center after white nationalist Richard Spencer’s appearance on Thursday. Photo: Will Vragovic/Tampa Bay Times/Zuma Press


Douglas Belkin

The appearance of white nationalist Richard Spencer on Thursday at the University of Florida sparked a declaration of a state of emergency by Florida’s governor. The event ended up generating little more than shouting and a few arrests. There was no violence.

Still, the massive preparations for potentially violent civil disobedience came with a hefty price tag. The school estimates it will have spent more than $500,000 on security—more than it pays for football games at a stadium that holds 90,000 people. The cost is part of a growing toll this year as a wave of right-wing speakers faces off against left-wing protesters.

That $500,000 will cover the hundreds of officers on campus from at least 44 agencies, some from as far away as Miami, command centers, technology, room and board for officers and extra barricades, said University of Florida spokeswoman Janine Sikes.

The Gainesville Police Department, which beefed up security in their jurisdiction, incurred additional costs, she said. Among those arrested were three men, who were charged with attempted homicide after they shot at a group of people protesting the speech. The police said at least two of the three men have shown connections to extremist groups.

Security for speakers at the University of California at Berkeley has cost the school more than $2 million this calendar year, compared with less than $200,000 a year for security at special events over the past several years; and Mr. Spencer’s appearance at Texas A&M University last December cost the school $60,000, according to the schools.

“This is not sustainable, this is absolutely not sustainable,” said University of Florida’s Ms. Sikes. “Public institutions cannot continue to pay this kind of money.”

Experts say the recent wave of speakers—beginning with an appearance in February at Berkeley of the former Breitbart News editor Milo Yiannopoulos that prompted a riot—has changed the dynamic of such campus events.

“What happened at Berkeley was really a watershed moment,” said Sue Riseling, executive director of the International Association of Campus Law Enforcement Administrators. “There has been a paradigm shift.”

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About 2 Dozen NFL Players Protested During Anthems Sunday – October 22, 2017, 6:11 PM PDT

(AP) — Days after the NFL declined to change its rule on the national anthem, about two dozen players protested around the league Sunday.

Associated Press journalists counted 22 players protesting during the anthems in some way before day games. Some took a knee, others sat on the bench, stayed in the tunnel or raised a fist.

On Sept. 25, days after President Donald Trump said players should be fired for protesting during the anthem, more than 200 players protested.

On Sunday, the Seahawks and 49ers had the most protesters. Seattle defensive end Michael Bennett and seven Seahawks teammates did not stand during the anthem before their game with the New York Giants.

As a New York City police officer sang the anthem, Bennett was joined by defensive tackle Sheldon Richardson, defensive end Brandon Jackson, defensive end Marcus Smith, defensive tackle Jarran Reed, defensive end Frank Clark and defensive end Quinton Jefferson. Defensive end Cliff Avril, scratched for the game, sat between Clark and Bennett.

Another teammate stood with his left arm on Bennett’s back. One Seattle player kneeled.

In San Francisco, about a half-dozen 49ers kneeled led by Eric Reid, Marquise Goodwin, rookie linebacker Reuben Foster, Eli Harold, Adrian Colbert and K’waun Williams. All the Dallas Cowboys stood , but defensive tackle David Irving raised his fist after the anthem ended.

“I know that he was very deliberate during the anthem, and of course that’s the issue with me,” said Cowboys owner Jerry Jones, who had threatened to bench players who protested the anthem. “I’m very proud of the way they all handled themselves.”

In Cleveland, Titans wide receiver Rishard Matthews stayed inside the tunnel during the national anthem.

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RYAN KO SPENDS his work days bouncing between conference calls and strategy meetings. But Ko—a 28-year-old MIT-trained McKinsey & Company consultant in San Francisco—is also a political junkie. So last year, when Donald Trump’s electoral chances started looking nontrivial, he dropped everything and headed to Virginia for three months to volunteer as a regional director for Hillary Clinton. She won the state by more than 5 percentage points, one blue state in the sea of Southern red. (Ko’s LinkedIn profile reads: #ImStillWithHer.)

Then he had to deal with a massive post-election hangover. “I come back to my liberal bubble in the Bay Area in December, start my white-collar job on the 48th floor of the second-tallest building in San Francisco, with my five-dollar cup of Philz Coffee,” he says. “And I wondered: ‘How do I stay involved?’ ”

To start, Ko wrote a Medium post with a title cribbed from a Bernie tweet (“Democracy is Not a Spectator Sport”) urging his fellow Women’s Marchers into three levels of continuing activism, from donating money to calling their elected officials to the third level: “Be the Change.” Ko, it should be obvious by now, is a level three kind of guy: This spring he led a group of 10 Silicon Valley types to canvass in Georgia for the handsomely financed but ultimately unsuccessful congressional candidate Jon Ossoff. He also signed up for a group forged after Election Day called Tech for Campaigns, part of an emerging resistance movement in Silicon Valley.

In the wake of Trump’s election, signs of a grassroots activism in the tech industry have been everywhere: management-endorsed Googleplex protests; tech workers participating in their first political marches; executives from Tesla, Intel, and IBM leaving the president’s advisory councils. There’s also a growing realization that the most effective form of resistance is winning state and local elections. It’s an uphill struggle: Republicans now control both statehouse chambers in 32 states (up from 14 in 2010) and 34 of the 50 governorships (not to mention the US House and Senate and the presidency). Conservatives have spent decades—and especially the Obama years—cultivating these lower-profile electoral pastures, grooming political talent for higher offices and experimenting with policies that can go national. In the process, they have often passed voter suppression laws and redrawn districts, paving the path for Republican wins years down the line.

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Photo: Darren McCollester/Getty Images OPIOID LOBBYIST LEFT A DIGITAL FINGERPRINT ON A CAMPAIGN BY “PATIENT ADVOCATES” – Lee Fang October 22 2017, 5:10 a.m.

Photo: Darren McCollester/Getty Images

IN THE WAKE of the 60 Minutes/Washington Post story on the drug industry using its political influence to pass a law to undercut Drug Enforcement Administration’s ability to police pill mill suppliers, the sponsors of the bill have lashed back, claiming they were simply acting in the interest of patients.

“Leave the conspiracy theories to Netflix,” wrote Orrin Hatch, R-Utah. In a column responding to the story, Hatch said the piece falsely depicted lawmakers as “in the pocket of the drug industry.”

Hatch wrote that he was concerned about reasonable access to drugs, and “with the support of patient advocates and others,” negotiated a version of the bill to introduce in the Senate.

Not only does the story provide robust evidence that pharmaceutical supply companies were involved in every step of the legislative process — with a drug lobbyist even ghostwriting the original bill — the patients rights’ organizations supporting the effort have extensive ties to the drug industry.

One of the primary letters to lawmakers in support of the legislation wassigned by several self-described “patient advocacy and health professional” organizations, including Patient Access Alliance, a group that receives support from drug companies involved in the opioid industry.

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Where Native Kids Were Sent To Be Americanized – Maha Ahmed Oct. 22, 2017 6:00 AM

Intimate photos from a government school designed to “totally change them.”

In the late 19th century, the US government opened the first of 25 off-reservation “American Indian boarding schools.” Over the years, hundreds of thousands of Native American children were bused to the schools as part of a federal effort to inculcate them with Judeo-Christian values and speed their assimilation.

The last of these schools, the Sherman Institute, opened in Riverside, California, in 1903. In a new photo book, Shadows of Sherman Institute, co-authors Cliff Trafzer,  Jeffrey Smith, Lorene Sisquoc (curator of the Sherman Indian Museum) tell the story of the school and its students with the help of more than 150 rarely seen images.

“It’s a hidden part of American history,” says Trafzer, a professor of American Indian History at the University of California-Riverside who began working with the school, now Sherman Indian High School, in 1991. “Few people know about the boarding school system and the United States government taking children and bringing them to these schools, separating them from their families and their communities on purpose.”

Many of the photos show students learning practical skills, such as sewing, smithing, or shoemaking. Those that appear staged, Trafzer says, were typically used by administrators to lobby for more federal funding.

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Even Smarter Sanctions – By Edward Fishman November/December 2017 Issue

How to Fight in the Era of Economic Warfare

Economic sanctions have been a fixture of U.S. foreign policy for decades, but never have they enjoyed so much popularity as they do today. On virtually every major foreign problem—North Korea’s belligerence, Iran’s nuclear aspirations, Russia’s aggression, the Islamic State’s (or ISIS’) brutality—the U.S. government has turned to some form of sanctions as an answer. Their value is one of the few things that former President Barack Obama and President Donald Trump agree on: Obama used them more than any other president in recent history, and Trump, in his first eight months in office, oversaw significant expansions of U.S. sanctions against North Korea, Venezuela, and, despite his misgivings, Russia.

Some U.S. sanctions aim to stigmatize foreign leaders and human rights abusers, such as those against North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, and the Russian officials responsible for killing the lawyer Sergei Magnitsky. Others are designed to deny terrorists, drug traffickers, nuclear proliferators, and other bad actors the money and tools they need to wreak havoc. It is a third category, however, that U.S. officials have come to rely on so heavily in recent years: coercive economic sanctions. Their purpose is to apply economic pressure to force a foreign government to do something it doesn’t want to do (or to refrain from doing something it does want to do). The prime example is the sanctions that pressured Iran to sign the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, under which it agreed to stringent limitations on its nuclear program.

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