Growing numbers of ‘millennials’ who are unaffiliated or atheists are causing vast changes in the American religious landscape, report says
Declining levels of religious belief and practice among the generation of Americans born in the last two decades of the 20th century is shifting the US towards becoming a less devout nation, a major new survey has found.
The growing proportion of “millennials” – young adults now in their 20s and 30s – who do not belong to any organised faith is changing America’s religious landscape, says a report by the respected Pew Research Center, based on a survey of 35,000 people.
The religiously unaffiliated or “nones”, who include atheists and those who describe their religion as “nothing in particular”, have grown to 23% of the US population, compared to 16% at the time of the last comparable survey in 2007.
But three out of four Americans still have some religious faith, mainly Protestant denominations, Catholics, Jews, Mormons, Muslims, Buddhists and Hindus. And 89% of US adults say they believe in God – including a significant proportion of “nones” – making America more religiously inclined than other advanced industrial nations.
Youth largely equates with a lack of religious activity, says the report. One in four millennials attend religious services on a weekly basis, compared with more than half of those adults born before or during the second world war. Only 38% of adults born after 1990 say religion is very important in their lives, compared with 67% of those born before 1945.
Overall, 55% of American adults say they pray daily, 53% say religion is very important in their lives and 50% attend a religious service at least once a month. Significantly, more women (64%) pray on a daily basis than men (46%).
Republican presidential candidates are split on whether a Kentucky county clerk should be forced to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples.
The case of Rowan County Clerk Kim Davis, who has cited religious objections in refusing to issue the licenses, has pushed gay marriage toward the center of political debate at a time when the Republican Party is grappling with its stance on the issue.
The clerk’s crusade has become the first major legal flare-up over gay marriage since the Supreme Court’s decision in late June that legalized gay marriage nationwide.
Most of the Republican presidential candidates denounced the high court’s ruling, calling it judicial overreach that threatens the religious liberty of faith-based organizations and business owners.
Democrats mostly cheered the court while dismissing the warnings about religious freedom as overblown.
With attention on the case growing, presidential contenders are beginning to stake out their positions on whether Rowan should be compelled to issue the licenses.
Mike Huckabee, a Southern Baptist minister, on Wednesday gave Rowan a full-throated endorsement after speaking to her on the phone.
(SITTWE, Myanmar) — American actor Matt Dillon put a rare star-powered spotlight on Myanmar’s long-persecuted Rohingya Muslims, visiting a hot, squalid camp for tens of thousands displaced by violence and a port that has served as one of the main launching pads for their exodus by sea.
It was “heartbreaking,” he said after meeting a young man with a raw, open leg wound from a road accident and no means to treat it.
Mothers carrying babies with clear signs of malnutrition stood listlessly outside row after row of identical bamboo huts, toddlers playing nearby in the chalky white dust.
“No one should have to live like this, people are really suffering,” said Dillon, one of the first celebrities to get a first-hand look at what life is like for Rohingya in the western state of Rakhine. “They are being strangled slowly, they have no hope for the future and nowhere to go.”
Though Rohingya have been victims of state-sponsored discrimination for decades, conditions started deteriorating three years ago after the predominantly Buddhist country of 50 million began its bumpy transition from a half-century of dictatorship to democracy.
Amr Farrag is a prominent Muslim Brotherhood youth cadre. The 28-year-old Cairene is a widely followed exponent of the organization’s ideology on social media and manages the popular pro-Brotherhood news portal Rassd. But these days, he no longer operates in Cairo. On July 5, 2013—two days after the Egyptian military responded to mass protests by removing Brotherhood-backed President Mohamed Morsi—the organization’s leaders urged Farrag to relocate to Istanbul, so that he could evade the Egyptian government’s anti-Brotherhood crackdown and reestablish the organization’s media operations in exile. Meanwhile, as many more Muslim Brothers fled to Turkey during the chaotic weeks that followed Morsi’s ouster, the Brotherhood formed a committee in Istanbul to resettle them, hoping to preserve the organization until it could return to power in Egypt, which it promised its members would happen very soon.
But as the months wore on, and Egypt’s repression of the Muslim Brotherhood grew more severe (at least 2,500 people were killed and 16,000 imprisoned, and Morsi has just been sentenced to death), impatience with the rate of progress divided the organization’s younger members from its older ones. Farrag and other exiled Brotherhood youths rebelled against the group’s older leaders, blaming them for “misanalyzing” the political situation leading up to Morsi’s overthrow and then mismanaging the post-Morsi period. They further rejected their leaders’ calls for a patient, long-term struggle against Egypt’s military-backed government. They advocated instead for revolutionary—and violent—tactics to destabilize the government sooner rather than later.`
For decades, Republican presidential contenders would commit to support a constitutional amendment banning abortion — a seemingly definitive statement on the issue that nonetheless had almost no chance of making it through the cumbersome process to change the Constitution.
Then, having sewn up pro-life support, they would move on to other issues.
In the 2016 election, pro-life groups have become more savvy — and less tolerant of lip-service endorsements. And among other provisions, they are pushing an idea that most agree has a realistic chance of becoming law: banning abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy.
Fourteen of the likely GOP candidates already pledged to sign such a law if elected, but leaders of the community want them to offer vocal support of the measure — warning of peril in the primaries for those who do not and making the case that this could be a winning issue in the 2016 general election.
Even before talk of “legitimate rape” made Todd Akin a household name in 2012, many GOP candidates were skittish to engage on anything having to do with the A-word.
Social conservatives recognize that they have the most leverage during the nominating process. There were hours of discussion about how best to maximize it during a Thursday strategy session convened by the Susan B. Anthony List, one of the most influential anti-abortion groups.
Steve King, the conservative congressman from Iowa, told activists they should make a point of prodding candidates to detail their views during events. “If they’re not in a position where they talk about it, neither are they publicly committed,” King told a group of 75 at the Mandarin Oriental hotel in Washington. “Getting them on record creates momentum for our cause.”
A group of moderate Republican congresswomen prodded House leadership to postpone a vote on the 20-week ban in January over concerns about the definition of rape in the bill. Activists continue pushing for votes in the House and Senate this Congress, but they know there aren’t the votes to override a presidential veto. So they’re focused on electing an ally as president. It’s part of a broader strategy to incrementally roll back abortion. Many states have already passed similar bills.
Marjorie Dannenfelser, the president of the SBA List, said that “inserting this into the presidential debate is way easier said than done.”